LIVROS EM PDF:Obras escogidas De Moto Pela América do Sul Diario del Che en Bolivia Guerra contra el Burocratismo La Guerra de Guerrillas Notas Inéditas . The Life and Death of Che Guevara Jorge G. Castañeda Ernesto Che Guevara , “Contra el burocratismo,” in Guevara, Obra revolucionaria, p. Emesto.
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Cuba Socialista, February La forma de resolver los problemas concretos estaba sujeta al libre arbitrio de cada uno de los dirigentes. El burocratismo, evidentemente, no nace con la sociedad socialista ni es un componente obligado de ella. Una de ellas es la falta de motor interno. Se basa en una falta de conciencia revolucionaria o, en todo caso, en el conformismo frente a lo que anda mal.
Las discusiones suelen volverse interminables, sin que ninguno de los expositores tenga la autoridad suficiente como para imponer su criterio. Ubrocratismo estos casos, el burocratismo, es decir, el freno de los papeles y de las indecisiones al desarrollo ek la sociedad, es el destino de los organismos afectados.
Si conocemos las causas y los efectos del burocratismo, podemos analizar exactamente las posibilidades de corregir el mal. Que debemos hacer carne en nuestros trabajos. It addresses you under the protection of its rights, on many grounds, to come to this forum and proclaim the truth about itself.
Κατηγορία: Ernesto Che Guevara
It addresses you first of all, as a country that is building socialism; as a country belonging to the group of Latin American nations, even though decisions contrary to law have temporarily severed it from the regional organization, owing to the pressure exerted and the action taken by the United States of America.
Its geographical position indicates it is an underdeveloped country that addresses you, one which has borne the guuevara of colonialist and imperial exploitation and which knows from bitter experience the subjection of its markets and its entire economy, or what burocrtismo to the same thing, the subjection of its entire governmental machinery to a foreign power. Cuba also addresses you as a country under attack.
All these features have given our country a prominent place in the news throughout the world, in spite of its small size, its limited economic contar, and its meager population.
At this conference, Cuba will express its views from the various stand-points which reflect its special situation in the world, but it will base its analysis on its most important and positive attribute: As an underdeveloped Latin American country, it will support the main demands of its fraternal countries, and as a country under attack it will denounce from the very outset burocragismo the machinations set in train by the coercive apparatus of that imperial power, the United States of America.
We preface our statement with these words of explanation because our country considers it imperative to define accurately the scope of the conference, contrq meaning, and its possible importance.
Che Guevara | Icons and Muses | Pinterest | Che guevara, Ernesto che and Iconic photos
contrw We come to this meeting seventeen years after the Havana Conference, where the intention was to create a world order that suited the competitive interests of the imperialist powers. Although Cuba was the site of that Conference, our revolutionary government does not consider itself bound in the slightest by the role then played by a government subordinated to imperialist interests, nor by the content or scope of the so-called Havana Charter.
At that conference, and at the previous meeting at Bretton Woods, a group of international bodies were set up whose activities have been harmful to the interests of the dependent countries of the contemporary world.
Today the conference agenda is broader and more realistic because it includes, among others, three of the crucial problems facing burocratismoo modern world: The participants at this new meeting far outnumber those who met at Havana in Nevertheless, we cannot say with complete accuracy that this is the forum of the peoples of the world.
The result of the strange legal interpretations which certain powers still use with impunity is that countries of great importance in the world are missing from this meeting: It should also be noted that delegations representing the Democratic Republic of Korea and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, the genuine governments of those nations, buricratismo absent, while representatives of the governments of the southern parts of both those divided states are present; and to add to the absurdity of the situation, burocratisko the German Democratic Guvara is unjustly excluded, the Federal Republic of Germany is attending this conference and is given a Vice Presidency.
And while the socialist republics I mentioned are not represented here, the government of the Union of South Africa, which violates the Charter of the United Nations by the inhuman and fascist policy of apartheid embodied in its national laws, and which defies the United Nations by refusing to transmit information on the territories which it holds in trust, makes bold to occupy a seat in this hall. It is our duty to point this out and draw it to the attention of the participants, because so long as this situation persists, and justice remains the tool of a few powerful interests, burocratisjo interpretations will continue to be made to suit the convenience of the oppressor powers and it will be difficult to relax the prevailing tension: We also stress these facts in order to call attention to the responsibilities incumbent upon us and to the consequences that may result from the decisions taken here.
What is worse, those troops had been expressly requested by the martyr, Patrice Lumumba. Events of such gravity, or other similar events, or those which burocratism negative implications for international relations and which jeopardize our prestige as sovereign nations, must not be allowed to happen at this conference. We live in a world that is deeply and antagonistically burocrahismo into groupings of nations very dissimilar in economic, social, and political outlook.
In this world of contradictions, the one existing between the buevara countries and the developed capitalist countries is spoken burocratiso as the fundamental contradiction of our time. The fact that the cold war, conceived by the warmongering West, has shown itself lacking in practical effectiveness and in political realism is one of the factors that have led to the convening of this conference.
In addition there is the guegara contradiction between the various developed capitalist countries, which struggle unceasingly among themselves to divide up the world and to gain a firm hold on its markets so that they may enjoy an extensive development based, unfortunately, on the hunger and exploitation of the dependent world. These contradictions are important; they cnotra the realities of the world today, and they give rise to the danger of new conflagrations, which, in the atomic age, could spread huevara the world.
If at this egalitarian conference, where all nations can express, through their votes the hopes of their peoples, a solution satisfactory to the majority can be reached, a unique step will bjrocratismo been taken in the history of the world. However, there are many forces at work to prevent this from happening.
The responsibility for the decisions to be taken devolves upon the representatives of the underdeveloped peoples. If all the peoples who live under precarious economic conditions, and who depend on foreign powers for some vital aspects of their economy and for their economic and social structure, are capable of resisting the temptations, offered coldly although in the heat of the moment, and impose a new type of relationship here, mankind will have taken a step forward.
And the world will remain as it is. Such is the nature of this conference.
It will have to deal not only with the problems involved in the domination of markets and the deterioration in the terms of trade but also with the main reason for this state of world affairs: It must be clearly understood, and we say it in all frankness, that the only way to solve the problems now besetting mankind is to eliminate completely the exploitation of dependent countries by developed capitalist countries, with all the consequences that this implies.
We have come here fully aware that what is involved is a discussion between nurocratismo representatives of countries which have put an end to the exploitation of man by man, of countries which maintain such exploitation as their working philosophy, and of the majority group of the exploited countries.
We must begin our discussion by acknowledging the truth of the above statements. Even when our convictions are so firm that no arguments can change them, we are ready to join in constructive debate in a setting of peaceful coexistence between countries with different political, economic, and social systems. The difficulty lies in making sure that we all know how much we can hope to get without having to take it by force, and where to yield a privilege before it is inevitably wrung from us by force.
The conference has to proceed along this difficult, narrow road; if we stray, we shall find ourselves on barren ground. We announced at the beginning of this statement that Cuba would speak here also as a country under attack.
The latest developments, which have made our country the target of imperialist wrath and the object of every conceivable kind of repression and violation of international law, from before the time of Playa Giron till now, are known to all. It was no accident that Cuba was the main scene of one of the incidents that have most gravely endangered world peace, as a result of legitimate action taken by Cuba in exercise of its right to adopt the principles of its own people.
Acts of aggression by the United States against Cuba began virtually as soon as the Revolution had been won. In the first stage they took the form of direct attacks on Cuban centers of production. Later, these acts took the form of measures aimed at paralyzing the Cuban economy; about the middle of an attempt was made to deprive Cuba of the fuel needed to operate her industries, transport, and power stations.
Burocratidmo pressure from the Department of State, the independent United States oil companies refused to sell petroleum to Cuba or to provide Cuba with tankers to ship it in. Shortly afterward efforts were made contr deprive Cuba of the foreign exchange needed cge its external trade; a cut ofshort tons in the Cuban sugar quota in the United States was made by President Eisenhower on July 6,and the quota was abolished altogether burocrafismo March 31,a few days after the announcement of the Alliance for Progress and a few days contrra Playa Giron.
In an endeavor to paralyze Cuban industry by cutting off its supplies of raw materials and spare machine parts, the United States Department of Commerce issued on October 19,an order prohibiting the shipment of many products to our island. This ban on trade with Cuba was progressively intensified until on February 3,the late President Kennedy placed an embargo on all United States trade with Cuba.
After all these acts of aggression had failed, the United States went on to subject our country to economic blockade with the object of stopping trade between other countries and our own. Firstly, on January 24,the United States Treasury Department announced a ban on the importation into the United States of any article made burocratiemo or partly from products of Cuban origin, even if it was manufactured in another country.
A further step, equivalent to setting up a virtual economic blockade, was taken on February 6,when the White House issued a communique announcing that goods bought with United States Burocratosmo funds would not be shipped in vessels flying the flag of foreign countries which had traded with Cuba after January 1, of that year. This was the beginning of the blacklist, which now includes over ships belonging to countries that have not yielded to the illegal United States blockade. Obsessed with the desire to attack us, the United States specifically excluded our country from the supposed benefits of the Trade Expansion Act.
Acts of aggression have continued during the current year. On February conrra,the United States announced the suspension of its aid to the United Kingdom, France, and Yugoslavia, because these countries were still trading ell Cuba. They regarded that regime as temporary. I ask whether that attitude is or is not at odds with the principle of the organization that brings us together — that of practicing tolerance between states — and with the obligation laid by that organization upon countries that have ratified its Charter to settle their disputes by peaceful means.
I ask whether that attitude is or is not at odds with the spirit of this meeting in favor of abandoning all forms of discrimination and removing the barriers between countries with different social systems and at different stages of development. And I ask this conference to pass judgement on the explanation, if the United States delegation ventures to make one. Burocratism, for our part, maintain the only position we have ever taken in the matter: We are ready to join in discussions provided that no prior conditions guevaara imposed.
The period that has elapsed since the Havana Charter was signed has been marked by events of undeniable importance in the field of trade and economic development.
In the first place we have to note the expansion of the socialist camp and the collapse of the colonial system. Others, without directly embracing the Marxist-Leninist philosophy, have stated their intention of laying the foundations on which to build socialism. Europe, Asia, and now Africa and America, are continents shaken by the new ideas abroad in the world. The countries in the socialist camp have developed uninterruptedly at rates of growth much faster than those of the capitalist countries in spite of having guveara out, as a general rule, guvara fairly low levels of development and of having had to withstand wars to the death and rigorous blockades.
Ernesto Che Guevara – Σελίδα 5 – Ελληνικό Αρχείο Τσε Γκεβάρα © Guevaristas
In contrast with the surging growth of the countries in the socialist camp and the development taking place, albeit much more slowly, in the majority of the capitalist countries, is the unquestionable fact that a large proportion of the so-called underdeveloped countries are in total stagnation, and that in some of them the rate of economic growth is lower than that of population increase. These characteristics are not fortuitous; they correspond strictly to the nature of the developed capitalist system in full expansion, which transfers to the dependent countries the most abusive and barefaced forms of exploitation.
Since the end of the last century this aggressive expansionist trend has been manifested in countless attacks on various countries on the more underdeveloped continents. Today, however, it mainly takes the form of control exercised by the developed powers over the production of and trade in raw materials in the dependent countries. In general it is shown by the dependence of a given country on a single primary commodity, which sells only in a specific market in quantities restricted to the needs of that market.
The inflow of capital from the developed countries is the prerequisite for the establishment of economic dependence. This inflow takes various forms: Sometimes this inflow takes very subtle forms, such as the use of international financial credit and other types of organizations.
The International Monetary Fund, the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, GATT 2 and on the American continent, the Inter-American Development Bank are examples of international organizations placed at the service of the great capitalist colonialist powers essentially at the service of United States imperialism. These organizations make their way into domestic economic policy, foreign trade policy, and domestic and external financial relations of all kinds.
The International Monetary Fund is the watchdog of the dollar in the capitalist camp; the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development is the instrument for the infiltration of United States capital into the underdeveloped world, and the Inter American Development Bank performs the same sorry function on the American continent.
All these organizations are governed by rules and principles which are represented as safeguards of equity and reciprocity in international economic relations, whereas in reality they are merely hocus-pocus masking the subtlest kinds of instruments for the perpetuation of backwardness and exploitation.
The International Monetary Fund, which is supposed to watch over the stability of exchange rates and the liberalization of international payments, merely denies the underdeveloped countries even the slightest means of defense against the competition of invading foreign monopolies. While launching so-called austerity programs and opposing the forms of payment necessary for the expansion of trade between countries faced with a balance of payments crisis and suffering from severe discriminatory measures in international trade, it strives desperately to save the dollar from its precarious situation, without going to the heart of the structural problems which afflict the international monetary system and which impede a more rapid expansion of world trade.
GATT, for its part, by establishing equal treatment and reciprocal concessions between developed and underdeveloped countries, helps to maintain the status quo and serves the interests of the former group of countries, and its machinery fails to provide the necessary means for the elimination of agricultural protectionism, subsidies, tariffs, and other obstacles to the expansion of exports from the dependent countries. In order to strengthen imperialist domination, the establishment of preferential areas has been adopted as a means of exploitation and neocolonial control.
We can speak in full knowledge of this, for we ourselves have suffered the effects of preferential Cuban-United States agreements which shackled our trade and placed it at the disposal of the United States monopolies. There is no better way to show what those preferences meant for Cuba than to quote the views of Sumner Welles, the United States Ambassador, on the Reciprocal Trade Agreement which was negotiated in and signed in Cuba had to vend its main product, sugar, all over the world in order to obtain foreign currency with which to achieve a balance of payments with the United States, and the special tariffs which were imposed prevented producers in European countries, as well as our own national producers, from competing with those of the United States.
The balance of payments for the period tells the story even more eloquently: Cuba had a positive balance of The so-called Alliance for Progress is another clear demonstration of the fraudulent methods used by the United States to maintain false hopes among nations, while exploitation grows more acute.
When Fidel Castro, our Prime Minister, indicated at Buenos Aires inthat a minimum of 3 billion dollars a year of additional external income was needed to finance a rate of development which would really reduce the enormous gap separating Latin America from the developed countries, many thought that the figure was exaggerated.